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'Surviving Between
Two Cultures': The Family in Don't Take Your Love to Town
Kathryn Trees
Family is the organising theme of Don't Take Your Love to Town.
As Ruby Langford Ginibi says, this is a book about families and
the raising of families. She begins:
started this book on 23 May 1984. It is a true
life story about an Aboriginal woman's struggle to raise a family
of nine children in a society divided between black and white
culture in Australia...And, it is dedicated to every black woman
who's battled to raise a family and kept her sense of humor.
Although this text is largely autobiographical,
focusing as it does, on the life of Ginibi and her large extended
family, it is the story of many Aboriginal families. Most importantly,
it is a celebration of the strength and tenacity of people who,
in spite of formidable odds, raise their families and maintain their
joy of living.
As readers of this text will find, there are many
commonalities between Ginibi and her family's experiences and those
of other Australians. Mothers working to support their children;
looking after them when they are ill; dealing with weddings and
death are all such instances. Ginibi's account of her husband, Sam
Griffin's, family is a poignant example, though most families do
not experience as many tragedies. Sam's father died when he was
about thirty and Sam's mother, "was left with two young kids,
Sam and Bill. When Bill was about two, he'd burnt to death in a
fire at Burra Be Dee mission."(55) All readers, either from
direct personal experience or through other people, can understand
what it means to have a husband, father or child die. If readers
are able to feel compassion for the people spoken of in the text
they might be able to explore the particular difficulties experienced
by Aboriginal women.
Many Australians know little or nothing about the
legislation that governed the lives of Aboriginal people so it may
be difficult for a reader to make immediate links between this legislation
and the "battle" that Ginibi describes. If an empathetic
relationship is created between the reader and the people described
in the text s/he may be more inclined to find out more about the
background events and thus establish a context for understanding
"the divide between black and white society" that Ginibi
says increases the struggle for Aboriginal women.
This struggle has a history. Since the arrival
of Phillip in 1788 Aboriginal peoples have been subjected to government
legislation that has directly impacted on family life, this has
taken many forms. Throughout the country there has been a continual
movement of people from their traditional lands to missions and
reserves. This was carried out under the direction of the Aborigines'
Protection Board which was responsible for the 'care' of all Aboriginal
people. It had the power to decide where people could live, who
they could marry and even whether they were fit to look after their
own children.
The Board had separate policies for 'full-blood
and part-Aboriginal' children. 'Full-blood' children were considered
to be 'primitive' and unteachable while 'half or quarter caste'
children were considered teachable because of their 'white' blood.
In many cases people defined as 'half, quarter, eighth part' Aboriginal
were taken from their families to separate missions to be 'educated'
to live and work as 'white' people. This resulted in thousands of
children being taken from their families, country, language, cultural
heritage. Comparing the works of writers such as Glenyse Ward, Sally
Morgan, Kevin Gilbert and several others provides some comprehension
of the extent to which this happened.
Parents were most often given no official information
about the location or health of their children, including whether
a child had died or not. Children, on the other hand, were often
told that their parents had died. These strategies were implemented,
in particular, to break connections between families and thus stop
movement of people back to their country. Only in this last decade,
particularly as a response to the recommendations of the Royal Commission
into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, has there been limited government
support for the reuniting of families who were separated during
the assimilationist era.
Ginibi was fortunate, she was not taken away from
her family. Although her mother left them when she was six she remained
with her father, extended family and friends. Later, Ginibi had
nine children of her own and adopted others along the way. The father
of her first three children, Bill, Pearl and Dianne, is Sam Griffin,
a Koorie. Gordon Campbell, a gubb or whiteman, is Nobby, David and
Aileen's father. Then she married Peter Langford, also a gubb, and
had Ellen and Pauline. Her youngest child Jeff has a Koorie father,
Lance Marriot.(2) Ginibi's family is an intersection of black and
white, at this personal level the cultural divide is not apparent.
This raises important questions about the ways in which cultural
and racial divides are institutionalised in Australian society.
From Ginibi's opening statement it is clear that
raising a family for her and other Aboriginal women involves more
than the usual concerns: health, education, growing up, employment.
As she has said the "divide between black and white culture",
as exemplified historically by Protectionist policies, continues
to impact upon Aboriginal mothers. Although the 1967 referendum
and citizenship marked the end of these policies there are continuing
ramifications including institutionalised racism effecting almost
every facet of life. For instance when Ginibi and her family moved
to Green Valley they were isolated from other Aboriginal families
through the Housing Commission's integration policy. A few Aboriginal
families were placed in houses in predominately 'white' areas. They
were answerable to the Commission for disturbances to neighbours
and for having anyone come to stay.(174)
Although the ongoing effects of protectionist policies
are central to an understanding of the lives of Ginibi, her family
and the many other people she writes about there is, in fact, very
little direct or extensive information about them given anywhere
in the text. Consider the opening sentences of the first paragraph:
I was called after my great aunt Ruby. In the
mission photo, she's sitting beside her identical twin, Pearl.
(1)
This very simple statement, through the phrase
"the mission photo" situates Ginibi and her family's life
within the context of the protectionist legislation, and the colonial
process that it developed from. The simplicity of this statement
makes it powerful. The lack of explanation reinforces the fact that
this was a common experience, it was life for Aboriginal people.
Government sanctioned separation of families, under
the umbrella of protectionism, continued in most states until the
late sixties or early seventies. Knowledge of these practices makes
it possible for us to understand Aboriginal peoples fear of government
intervention in their lives and anger at the Aborigines' Protection
Board that was directly responsible for implementing these policies
under the guise of caring for the welfare of Aboriginal people.
There are unimaginable psychological consequences for Aboriginal
people when children have been forcibly taken from families, often
never to return. The reader is left to imagine how this affects
a mother, such as Ginibi, when she has to place her children in
a home because she is temporarily unable to provide for them.
It is as a direct result of this history that Ginibi's
father, Henry Anderson, refused to have anything to do with the
Aborigines' Protection Board even if it might benefit his family.
When Mr Rubenach, the school principal, suggested that Ruby be allowed
to complete her Intermediate Certificate and go on to College with
funding from the Board her father would not even consider it. He
said to Ruby:
I don't know about third year. You decide about
that. But I'm not having any protection board put you through
college. All the protection they've done is take people from their
land and split up families. (37-8)
Ginibi gives no further account of her father's
feelings towards the Board or the legislation that governed their
lives. Readers of the text are responsible for drawing on, or supplying,
their own knowledge of this history as a way of understanding why
it is "a battle" for many black women to raise a family.
Since the late sixties and early seventies many
families have continued to be separated but for apparently different
reasons. Ruby Langford Ginibi foregrounds many of these. In her
account of family life she demonstrates the ways in which both men
and women have suffered because their extended families were disrupted.
For many people there have been few positive role models for being
a father or mother. Then separation from country and disruption
of kinship systems has meant that other traditional support structures
are not available. The end result of this has been a high rate of
family breakdown.
Urban neighbourhood support structures are often
not available or are constantly changing because families cannot
find adequate housing and regular work. This has resulted in women
having to 'voluntarily' place their children in homes, for varying
lengths of time, until they could support them again. Many children
attended several schools because they had to move so often resulting
in high attrition rates and low achievement. Families then often
become caught in a cycle of unemployment, alcoholism, family breakdown
and even imprisonment.
It is through the experiences of Nobby, Ginibi's
fourth child, that the reader most clearly sees the ways in which
alcoholism, imprisonment and institutionalised violence affect families.
Ginibi recalls the first time that Nobby is arrested and gaoled.
I got a message from (son-in-law) Steve
saying Nobby had been gaoled for firing shots at police...Nob
had heard that Penny was seeing another bloke, so he got blind
drunk and asked his mate Maxwell to drive him home to the Valley...Maxwell
was driving negligently so the police chased them. Then shots
were fired at the police car...Nob was to spend six years of a
ten year sentence in Long Bay.
It began 21 June 1973 when they were charged and in court in Bankstown.
I went to see Nob in the cells and he had two black eyes. We knew
what this meant. (182)
Ginibi gives a matter of fact account of what happened.
She is not judgemental about Nobby, Penny or Maxwell's behaviour.
Nobby's lack of constructive ways of dealing with relationship problems
is clearly foregrounded. His response to his girlfriend seeing someone
else, is to get "blind drunk". It is the tone in which
this description of Nobby's behaviour is written that is very important.
It suggests that while Ginibi is disappointed and concerned, what
Nobby did and what happened to him is not entirely unexpected, it
is part of Ginibi's experience of life. The reader is prompted to
ask why Ginibi is able to maintain this attitude, and she does,
throughout the book. The answer for Ginibi and many Aboriginal people
lies in the effects of assimilationist policies that continue to
undermine Aboriginal families.
Very often some of the difficulties Aboriginal
families experience, poor health, low standards of education and
especially, high imprisonment rates, are dismissed as having little
to do with the continuing effects of past government legislation
and much to do with Aboriginal peoples 'lack of desire to help themselves'.
It is difficult for readers of Don't Take Your Love to Town to be
so easily dismissive of the effects of past legislation on the lives
of Aboriginal families today however. Statements such as:
I went to see Nob in the cells and he had two
black eyes. We knew what this meant. (182)
leave no doubt in the mind of the reader that Nobby
has been beaten by the police and that this behaviour has a history.
It is well known that historically the police have worked with the
Aborigines' Protection Boards to move people from their lands; take
children from their families; keep people out of towns. Violence
has, as a result, often been synonymous with Aboriginal / police
relationships so that now there is little expectation that the police
will act ethically.
Police violence, and potential violence, impacted
on Ginibi and the rest of the family both emotionally and physically.
This was particularly so after Nobby's arrest when the family overtly
opposed the police. For instance when Nobby was on the run, after
escaping from prison, David acted as a decoy to help his brother
escape. (185-7) Then when a young friend of David's was running
from the police Ginibi concealed him in the manhole and gave erroneous
directions to officers chasing him. She allowed others, running
from the police, to stay in her house even though it meant she could
be arrested for aiding and abetting criminals and that this would
result in her younger children being taken from her.
Don't Take Your Love to Town, however tragic,
is foremost a story of love, integrity, generosity, support and
humor. It is the story of many families providing support for each
other, often in the face of formidable odds, including family breakdowns,
domestic violence, alcoholism and neglect. Too often readers of
lifestories such as Ginibi's focus on the social problems and hardships
without celebrating this generosity and support. For whatever the
hardships that contribute to the "battle" to raise a family
it is generosity that allows families to continue as Don' t Take
Your Love to Town demonstrates.
Ginibi's story abounds with generosity. When she
was six her Mum left to live with Eddie Webb. When she was nine
her Dad took her and her sisters "to stay with Aunty Nell and
Uncle Sam."(1) The spirit in which Ginibi recounts this time
clearly demonstrates that Nell and Sam did more than merely look
after the children. The reader is able to feel the love and care
that was given. Just two years later, when Ruby had finished sixth
grade she went to live with Aunty Amy and Uncle Harry Pentland because
there was no high school in Bonalbo.(25) There were already four
other children living there, they had all lost their parents. Her
account of this time focuses on the fun that she had not the trauma
of leaving home and family once again. Ginibi's telling of her experiences
with the families who looked after her shows very clearly the support
and generosity that was shown to her and continue a tradition of
orphaned children being cared for by other close relatives.
Ginibi's accounts of her childhood experiences
recounted early in the book may be critiqued by some as romanticised
reminicence. Reading further however we see that Ginibi does not
romantisise family life or specifically Aboriginal families. Consider
what she says about Patrick's experience:
(Patrick's) parents had died in a car accident
when he was a kid. Big family. The kids were sent to relatives,
Patrick to his uncle. The uncle was cruel to him and Pat laid
him out with a side of planking, so the uncle put him in the boys'
home. (198)
Patrick's parents have died, the children have
been separated and Patrick was cruelly treated. Ginibi recounts
this tragic series of events simply. There is no suggestion that
what happened to Patrick is an extraordinary case and it is certainly
not romanticised.
As an adult Ginibi adopted many young people like
Patrick and Allen Barrett. Her primary concern is that all who come
to her home are welcomed and receive the support that they need.
As a reader it is valuable to consider the strengths of extended
Aboriginal families that offer support regardless of a person's
circumstances. Our understanding of how such families work is enriched
by knowing more about traditional Aboriginal kinship systems.
Although little specific information is given about
traditional or "tribal" (183) families and kinship systems,
in Don't take Your Love to Town, these obviously inform aspects
of Ginibi's text. Traditional community relationships, extended
families, that take responsibility for children other than their
own, are very much part of Ginibi's contemporary, urban experience.
Consideration of this broader notion of family allows the reader
to understand that assimilationist policies though detrimental to
Aboriginal family structures and relationships have not destroyed
them.
In many traditional Aboriginal communities complex
kinship systems have, and in some instances continue to, ensure
that particular roles within families are always maintained. For
instance in some communities the sisters of a mother also 'function'
as mothers, that is, they are both Aunty and mother to any children.
In this way the death of a child's mother does not mean the child
is left without someone fulfilling this central role. Likewise if
a child's father dies the mother's eldest brother takes on the responsibilities
of this role. In this way the care of children is always ensured.
In Ginibi's own life, as already discussed, extended
family often provided support when her mother and father were unable
to do so. One function of extended families in most cultures is
to do this. The form of support given and whose responsibility it
is to provide this are often historically or traditionally determined.
When I was six mum left us. My sisters were four
and two. The person who took over our mothering was an Aboriginal
clever man, Uncle Ernie Ord. He's telling us our totems. He says
my totem is a willy waytail, he says I'll always know if there's
trouble because the willy wagtail will warn me. (1)
For many Aboriginal families these responsibilities
include teaching children their cultural heritage and responsibilities.
Too often it is assumed that this is no longer relevant to urban
families.
Don't Take Your Love to Town is a way of
understanding family as a very different construct from the average
white, suburban, 2.4 children. This is crucial if we are to appreciate
that Australia is not a homogeneous society. Very often expectations
that we have about the ways people 'should' live come from our own
lack of knowledge of the complex, diverse and rich models of families.
Ginibi gives the reader some of these models.
Ginibi ends her story with a discussion of Aboriginal deaths in
custody. She describes in detail the senseless violence and lack
of all compassion that caused these deaths. Because the reader has
come to know and empathise with Ginibi and her family John Pat,
Eddie Murray, Robert Walker, Charlie Michaels, B.T. Leslie and Allan
Clayton Parker become more than merely a list of names of people
who have died.(252-8) Through Ginibi they become: members of families;
people who have struggled to survive in a society that shows little
respect for their histories; fellow human beings.
Ginibi's desire is that Don't Take Your Love
to Town "help better the relationship between the Aboriginal
and white people. That it might give some idea of the difficulty
we have surviving between two cultures, that we are here and will
always be here."(269) This book certainly provides all readers
with an opportunity to understand the relationship between contemporary,
urban, Aboriginal families and Australian government legislation.
It is an important contribution to Australian politics because it
clearly demonstrates that legislation has direct affects on peoples
lives.
Kathryn Trees
Lecturer English and Comparative Literature, Murdoch University
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